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| 01:00:02 2.18 |
Speaker 1 00:01
And later on, he found reason to say to the delegates of the session that they should not and I quote, submit to the clamorous phrases pronounced here by me in attempts to justify the blood crimes perpetrated against the Congolese people. The General Assembly can rightly expect an immediate reply from my side to statements so directly addressed to me regarding matters of such potential significance The assembly has witnessed over the last weeks how historical truth is established. Once an allegation has been repeated a few times it is no longer an allegation, it is an established fact, even if no evidence has been brought up in order to support it. However, facts are facts. And the true facts are there for whomsoever cares for truth. Those who invoke history will certainly be heard by history and will have to accept its verdict as it will be pronounced on the basis of the facts by men, free your mind and firming our conviction that only on the scrutiny of truth, can a future of peace be built. I have no reason to defend myself or my colleagues against accusations and judgments to issue of this. Let me say only this, that you, all of you are the judges. No single party can claim that authority. I'm sure you will be guided by truth and justice. |
| 01:01:45 105.38 |
Speaker 1 01:46
In particular, let those who know what the United Nations has done and is doing in the Congo. And those who are not pursuing games proper to themselves, pass judgment on our actions then let the countries who have liberated themselves in the last 15 years speak for themselves. I regret that intervention to which I found it necessary to reply, as again tended to personalize an issue which as I've said, in my view is not the question of a man but of an institution. The man does not count. The institution does. A weak or non existent executive would mean that United Nations will no longer be able to serve as an effective instrument for active protection of the interests of those many members who needs our protection. The man holding the responsibility as chief executive should leave if we inspect Secretary he should stay if this is necessary for its maintenance. These gentlemen and only this seems to me to be the substantive criterion that has to be applied. |
| 01:03:18 198.49 |
Speaker 1 03:18
It is not the Soviet Union or indeed any other big powers, who need United Nations for their protection, it is all the others. In this sense, the organization is first of all their organization. And I deeply believe in the wisdom with which they will be able to use it and guide it. I shall remain in my post during the term of office as a service organization in the interest. This context, the representative of the Soviet Union spoke of courage, it is very easy to resign. It is not so easy to stay on. it is very easy to bow to the wish of the big power, it is another matter to resist, as is well known to all members of this assembly, I have done so before on many occasions and in many directions. If it is the wish of those nations who seen the organization their best protection in the present world. I shall do so again. |
| 01:04:49 289.7 |
Speaker 2 04:50 Nikita Krushchev
Indeed, if the Secretariat and the Security Council had been differently constituted, not particularly tense events would have happened in the Congo. In the first instance, the colonialists would not have dared seize power again. While if they have done so, the troops of the United Nations would not only have expelled, but would also have created conditions for the normal work of the government and parliament legally elected by the Congolese people. When the colonialists granted independence of the Congo, they expected that this independence would be fictitious. But the Congolese government decided to defend in all seriousness, its political and economic rights just infuriated the colonialist and they resorted to a military gamble. They decided to impose what in actual fact was the old colonial regime upon the people of the Congo under the guise of fictitious independent that? I repeat, the Congolese people unfortunately have failed to find the defender of their interest in the United Nations. What kind of implementation of United Nations objectives and purposes is this? Yep. Short has used the United Nations allied forces in support of the legitimate parliament in the government of the Congo at whose request troops were sent in, but in support of the colonialist forces, which were and are fighting against the Congolese Parliament, and the legitimate government in order to impose a new yoke on the Congo. He has used United Nations troops to interfere in the internal affairs of the young state. No one can no longer tolerate such arbitrariness and lawlessness as the use of the United Nations not to help the Congolese people but against them as the defense by the United Nations of the interests of the colonialist quarters. All of this was justly and happily discussed by the heads of the delegations of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Ghana, the United Arab Republic, Cuba, Indonesia, and others. To avoid Listen, misinterpretation, I want to reaffirm that we do not trust Mr. Hammer showed and cannot trust him. If he himself does not muster up enough courage to resign, so to say in a chivalrous manner, then we shall draw the necessary conclusions from the situation that obtains. It is not proper for a man who has flouted elementary justice, to hold such an important post as that of the Secretary General. |
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