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| 01:00:02 2.18 |
Speaker 1 00:01 Dag Hammarskjold
And later on, he found reason to say to the delegates of the session that they should not and I quote, submit to the clamorous phrases pronounced here by me in attempts to justify the blood crimes perpetrated against the Congolese people. The General Assembly can rightly expect an immediate reply from my side to statements so directly addressed to me regarding matters of such potential significance The assembly has witnessed over the last weeks how historical truth is established. Once an allegation has been repeated a few times it is no longer an allegation, it is an established fact, even if no evidence has been brought up in order to support it. However, facts are facts. And the true facts are there for whomsoever cares for truth. Those who invoke history will certainly be heard by history and will have to accept its verdict as it will be pronounced on the basis of the facts by men, free your mind and firming our conviction that only on the scrutiny of truth, can a future of peace be built. I have no reason to defend myself or my colleagues against accusations and judgments to issue of this. Let me say only this, that you, all of you are the judges. No single party can claim that authority. I'm sure you will be guided by truth and justice. |
| 01:01:45 105.38 |
Speaker 1 Hammarskjold 01:46
In particular, let those who know what the United Nations has done and is doing in the Congo. And those who are not pursuing games proper to themselves, pass judgment on our actions then let the countries who have liberated themselves in the last 15 years speak for themselves. I regret that intervention to which I found it necessary to reply, as again tended to personalize an issue which as I've said, in my view is not the question of a man but of an institution. The man does not count. The institution does. A weak or non existent executive would mean that United Nations will no longer be able to serve as an effective instrument for active protection of the interests of those many members who needs our protection. The man holding the responsibility as chief executive should leave if we inspect Secretary he should stay if this is necessary for its maintenance. These gentlemen and only this seems to me to be the substantive criterion that has to be applied. |
| 01:01:46 106.52 |
Nikita Krushchev reads paperwork at General Assembly session during Hammarskjold's talk.
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| 01:03:18 198.49 |
Speaker 1 03:18
It is not the Soviet Union or indeed any other big powers, who need United Nations for their protection, it is all the others. In this sense, the organization is first of all their organization. And I deeply believe in the wisdom with which they will be able to use it and guide it. I shall remain in my post during the term of office as a service organization in the interest. This context, the representative of the Soviet Union spoke of courage, it is very easy to resign. It is not so easy to stay on. it is very easy to bow to the wish of the big power, it is another matter to resist, as is well known to all members of this assembly, I have done so before on many occasions and in many directions. If it is the wish of those nations who seen the organization their best protection in the present world. I shall do so again. |
| 01:04:49 289.7 |
Speaker 2 04:50 Nikita Krushchev
Indeed, if the Secretariat and the Security Council had been differently constituted, not particularly tense events would have happened in the Congo. In the first instance, the colonialists would not have dared seize power again. While if they have done so, the troops of the United Nations would not only have expelled, but would also have created conditions for the normal work of the government and parliament legally elected by the Congolese people. When the colonialists granted independence of the Congo, they expected that this independence would be fictitious. But the Congolese government decided to defend in all seriousness, its political and economic rights just infuriated the colonialist and they resorted to a military gamble. They decided to impose what in actual fact was the old colonial regime upon the people of the Congo under the guise of fictitious independent that? I repeat, the Congolese people unfortunately have failed to find the defender of their interest in the United Nations. What kind of implementation of United Nations objectives and purposes is this? Yep. Short has used the United Nations allied forces in support of the legitimate parliament in the government of the Congo at whose request troops were sent in, but in support of the colonialist forces, which were and are fighting against the Congolese Parliament, and the legitimate government in order to impose a new yoke on the Congo. He has used United Nations troops to interfere in the internal affairs of the young state. No one can no longer tolerate such arbitrariness and lawlessness as the use of the United Nations not to help the Congolese people but against them as the defense by the United Nations of the interests of the colonialist quarters. All of this was justly and happily discussed by the heads of the delegations of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Ghana, the United Arab Republic, Cuba, Indonesia, and others. To avoid Listen, misinterpretation, I want to reaffirm that we do not trust Mr. Hammer showed and cannot trust him. If he himself does not muster up enough courage to resign, so to say in a chivalrous manner, then we shall draw the necessary conclusions from the situation that obtains. It is not proper for a man who has flouted elementary justice, to hold such an important post as that of the Secretary General. |
| 01:07:42 462.27 |
Speaker 3 07:43
Lest we have the public give and take. Khrushchev versus Hamerscholdt, the big power versus the organization in today's United Nations General Assembly session. The verbal sparring on the floor is not necessarily the entire story Speaker 4 the thing with the political that Russia favors in the Congo and Africa. Speaker 1 08:01 Well, last word, Mr. President. Sometimes one gets the impression that the Congo operation is looked at as being in the hands of the Secretary General, but somehow distinct from the United Nations. No, this is your operation gentleman. And this is true whether you represent African and Asian member countries, which carry the main burden for the force, and for its command, or speak and act for other parts of the world. There is nothing in the Charter, which puts the responsibility of this kind on the shoulders of the Secretary General, or makes him the independent master of session operation. It was the Security Council, which without any dissenting vote, gave this mandate to the Secretary General on the Fourth of July. It was the Security Council, which on the 22nd July, commanded his report on the principles that should be applied. It was the security accounts on the ninth of August, which again, without any dissenting vote, confirm the authority given to the secretary. Again, just a week ago, the general assembly without any dissenting vote, requested the Secretary General to continue to take vigorous action. Indeed, as I said, this is your operation, gentlemen. It is for you to indicate what you won't have done. As the agent of the organization. I'm grateful for any positive advice. But if no such positive advice is forthcoming, as happened in the Security Council and 21st of August, when my line of implementation had been challenged from outside, then I have no choice but to follow my own conviction, guided by the principles, to which I've just referred |
| 01:10:01 601.7 |
applause is heard. overhead pan of United Nations' general assembly.
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| 01:10:07 607.74 |
Kruschev pounds fist on table
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| 01:10:27 627.56 |
Speaker 4 10:27
Now you saw Khrushchev pounding the table as the others applauded at the end of Hammarskjold's remarks. Some observers say this means he approved what the Secretary General had to say. Others observers, other observers say it means he disapproved. So the best explanation we can offer is that pounding the table, we're told usually denotes approval, but that Khrushchev must have misunderstood that. Speaker 5 10:59 narrator unseen, Ray Scher NBC News Tomorrow comes another who thinks of himself or at least once did is a bridge between East and West, Prime Minister Macmillan. The question is whether the gulf between Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Khrushchev is susceptible of mediation, many people think not. Ray Scher, NBC News. |
| 01:11:17 677.08 |
Speaker 4 11:17
Now, since we have been on the air, the speaker at the United Nations has been Cuba's colorful premier Fidel Castro. Advanced word was that Castro would speak for perhaps four hours, which is not unusual for him. So far, he has complained of his treatment in the United States, since he arrived for this General Assembly session. He arrived at the United Nations a half hour late and fortified with a thermos bottle. That's the scene as we switch now to the United Nations for a portion of the Castro address Speaker 6 11:48 Fidel Castro had to be a different way the Cubans had fought for independence. And those Cubans who at that time were shedding their lifeblood for independence. In all faith, believed in that joint resolution of the Congress of the United States on the 20th of April of 1898. It declared that Cuba is, and by right, should be a free and independent. The people of the United States were with the Cubans in their struggle for independence. That Joint Declaration was a law and the Congress of this country, according to which, war was being declared on Spain. That that led to a rude awakening. After two years of military occupation of our country, the unexpected happened. At the very moment when the people of Cuba through its constituent assembly was drafting the Constitution of the Republic, a new act was passed in the Congress of the United States. An act proposed by Senator Platt, an unhappy memory for Cubans. And that stated that the constituent assembly of Cuba had to carry with it an addendum l an offshoot whereby it conceded to the United States the right to intervene in the political affairs of Cuba and the decided to rent and lease certain parts of the Cuban territory for naval or coaling stations. In other words, thanks to a law of the legislative body of a foreign country, the constitution of our country had to carry a rider bearing these provisions. |
| 01:15:01 901.29 |
Speaker 6 Fidel Castro continues
Speaker 6 15:07 And our senators were told clearly that without this riders acceptance, there would be no withdrawal of the occupation forces it. In other words... DIalog jumps to Speaker 3 15:23 An opinion was quite skeptical when a number of prominent personalities began about two years ago to tell of conversations with Chinese communist leaders, in which those leaders said that China could withstand a hydrogen war, because even after losing some 300 million people, they would still have 300 million left who could then proceed to communize the world. Such a willingness to sacrifice hundreds of millions of Chinese in a single stroke seems too frightful to believe. But now in their official journal, red flag, the Chinese Communists say that they do not fear a hydrogen war because and I quote, "on the debris of a dead imperialism, the victorious people would create with extreme rapidity, a civilian, a civilization 1000s of times higher than the capitalist system, and a truly beautiful future for themselves". End of quote, This, I believe, Mr. President, is the only recorded instance of a group of men anywhere in the world, believing that a World War fought with hydrogen bombs, in which up to a half or more of their own huge population could be wiped out, would lead to a beautiful future for anybody. |
| 01:16:56 1016.9 |
Speaker 2 16:54 Nikita Krushchev
who does the island of Taiwan belong to? Look upon the agreement. Or other look upon the capitulation, which was signed in Tokyo. And there you will find the signature of the representative of the American government where it states that the government of the island of Taiwan is an island which belongs to the Chinese Republic. That is why Chinese China naturally wishes to take back what is its own. The other islands which adjoin the continent of China, they also wish to take over, I consider this to be the most legitimate rights on the part of the Chinese People's Republic. Applause pan the general assembly Speaker Krushchev 17:49 We supported these endeavors on the part of the Chinese People's Republic, we shall support them and are supporting them now. And I wish to state, and I state that the Chinese government is demonstrating considerable reserves. But that is a matter for the Chinese people in the Chinese government. We don't wish to interfere in that. If these questions had arisen before the Soviet government, we would have a long time ago cast way out to hell, the whole of Chiang Kai Shek and his crowd, and there would not have been even any rath of him left behind on the islands, which are now next to the Chinese People's Republic. And they would have long ago, been the property of the Chinese People's Republic, which is the only one has the right to have sovereignty over the whole of the territory of the Chinese People's Republic. Applause - Krushchev continues That is why I say, gentlemen, that those who want peace on earth, those who want disarmament, and those who want the disarmament, those who want disarmament to be a guarantee of that peace, they should vote in favor of the Chinese People's Republic, assuming its rightful place among all those present here in the United Nations. And only under that condition, can we hope that all the peoples will in fact, be united within the United Nations, that they will all exert their efforts towards safeguarding peace. Let's say that peace might be guaranteed. What is being proposed by the representative of the United States is a proposal which has this old aggressive militarist, imperialist policy, the pitting of one group of government states against another and that is why they don't wish China to be a member of the United Nations because they need that in order to keep on with their policy of the Cold War keep on with their policy of the armaments race and their policy of... End |
| 01:20:14 1214.25 |
end reel.
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